Saturday, February 21, 2009

Last Campaign or Blueprint for Action

Last Campaign: How Harry Truman Won the 1948 Election

Author: Zachary Karabell

In The Last Campaign, Zachary Karabell rescues the 1948 presidential campaign from the annals of political folklore ("Dewey Defeats Truman," the Chicago Tribune memorably and erroneously heralded), to give us a fresh look at perhaps the last time the American people could truly distinguish what the candidates stood for.

In 1948, Harry Truman, the feisty working-class Democratic incumbent was one of the most unpopular presidents the country had ever known. His Republican rival, the aloof Thomas Dewey, was widely thought to be a shoe-in. These two major party candidates were flanked on the far left by the Progressive Henry Wallace, and on the far right by white supremacist Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond. The Last Campaign exposes the fascinating story behind Truman’s legendary victory and turns a probing eye toward a by-gone era of political earnestness, when, for “the last time in this century, an entire spectrum of ideologies was represented,” a time before television fundamentally altered the political landscape.

Library Journal

Dewey defeats Truman! claims Karabell (Architects of Intervention) in this engaging narrative of the 1948 presidential election. It was the final contest in which voters could choose from four candidates representing quite distinct political ideologies and the final campaign before television "worked its destructive magic." Incumbent President Harry Truman and Tom Dewey, his Republican opponent, offered voters moderate choices, while Progressive Henry Wallace and Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond were extreme alternatives. The author is strongest discussing the impact of the press, polls, and radio and describing the importance of the convention, which was then "a mix of high politics, low politics and entertainment." Truman was the last candidate to verbally savage his opponents, especially Dewey, who instead ran a civil but dull campaign--the kind future voters would come to expect. Dewey's campaign and not Truman's "Give-'em-Hell-Harry" strategy became the model for following elections. In this respect, the author concludes, Dewey did indeed defeat Truman. Along with Gary Donaldson's more analytical Truman Defeats Dewey (LJ 10/15/98), Karabell provides an intriguing overview of this watershed election. Recommended for all libraries.--Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Twsp. Lib., King of Prussia, PA Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.

Michael Tomasky

…frank and suggestive…Tikkun

NY Times Book Review

Brings all four candidates to life skillfully recreating a tumultuous time... A vivid, entertaining book.

Boston Globe Magazine

The perfect antidote to this year's pale imitation of a political campaign.

What People Are Saying

Michael Beschloss
An absorbing, intelligent, sometimes startling account of the outsized personalities & drama and the larger forces behind a legendary campaign.




See also: Why Didnt I Think of That or Chemistry and Application of Green Tea

Blueprint for Action: A Future Worth Creating

Author: Thomas P M Barnett

The strategically crucial sequel to the New York Times bestseller.

The Pentagon's New Map was one of the most talked-about books of the year-a fundamental reexamination of war and peace in the post-9/11 world that provided a compelling vision of the future. Now, senior advisor and military analyst Thomas P.M. Barnett explores our possible long-and short-term relations with such nations and regions as Iran, Iraq, and the Middle East, China and North Korea, Latin America and Africa, while outlining the strategies to pursue, the entities to create, and the pitfalls to overcome. Barnett's new book is something more-a powerful road map through a chaotic and uncertain world to "a future worth creating."



Friday, February 20, 2009

Ready for Revolution or Memos to the Governor

Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture)

Author: Stokely Carmichael

By any measure, Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) fundamentally altered the course of history. Published at the fifth anniversary of Carmichael's death, this long-awaited autobiography fills a yawning gap in the American historical record as it chronicles the legendary civil rights leader's work as chairman of SNCC, patriarch of Black Power, Pan-African activist, and social revolutionary. It is an unflinching, searing, often visionary testament to the man's legacy and joins the works of Frederick Douglass, W. E. B. Du Bois, Malcolm X, and Nelson Mandela as a crucial and colorful contribution to contemporary history.

As in life, the Carmichael in these pages is the definition of charisma and determination. In sharp prose full of Carmichael's candor, wit, irrepressible sense of irony, and undying love for his people, Ready for Revolution relates with clear-eyed intelligence the epic struggle for human liberation in our time. Carmichael -- who in 1978 changed his name to Kwame Ture in honor of his mentors, the revolutionary African leaders Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Toure -- recounts the course of his own experience and struggles, ranging from the prison farms and lynch mobs of Mississippi through the firefights and political intrigue of the African liberation wars to Black Power and Pan-Africanism. His transformation from immigrant child to impassioned activist is spellbinding. Populated with an international cast of luminaries, including James Baldwin, Fannie Lou Hamer, Miriam Makeba, Shirley Graham Du Bois, Toni Morrison, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, Ho Chi Minh, and Fidel Castro, Ready for Revolution captures, as few books ever have, the pulse of the cultural upheavals that define the modern world.

More than the sum of its parts, this book is the personal testimony of a supremely courageous and committed African-American freedom fighter, radical thinker, and warm and engaging human being. Regardless of whether one subscribes to Carmichael's politics and ideas, there is no denying the overwhelming influence he had on American lives and history. And his view from the eye of the black-struggle storm is invaluable.

The New York Times

Ready for Revolution captures Carmichael's electrifying moments in the national spotlight and his emblematic journey from nonviolent integrationist to advocate of black power and Pan-African revolution. His faith in ultimate justice further buoys his memoir, as does his abiding gratitude at ''being part of a uniquely favored historical generation'' that ''presented black youth with an unprecedented opportunity to engage society militantly.'' —Robert Weisbrot

The Washington Post

The segment on the early 1960s, in which Carmichael relates his first-hand experience of key events of the times, are the most absorbing. Though the story of the Freedom Rides and SNCC's organizing in Mississippi have been told often, Carmichael's recounting is still gripping. The violence directed at activists was horrific, the sadism of white supremacists chilling, the determination of black Southerners inspiring. These chapters are especially timely as an antidote to contemporary rhetoric. As today's White House paints terrorism as a creation of foreigners with dark skins, Ready for Revolution reminds us of a much longer history of terrorism's white American face. — John D'Emilio

Publishers Weekly

The firebrand civil rights leader who led the call for Black Power in the 1960s looks back on nearly five decades of protests and freedom fighting in this passionate, posthumous autobiography. In collaboration with his friend Thelwell (a professor of Afro-American studies at the University of Massachusetts), Carmichael, who died in Guinea in 1998, traces his path from immigrant child of Trinidad to charismatic U.S. student activist and unrepentant revolutionary. The story is told largely in Carmichael's own stylish, often thunderous, first-person words and is named for the telephone greeting that the author used for much of his life. It covers the full sweep of events that shaped Carmichael's life: his years at the elite Bronx High School of Science and Howard University; summers spent registering black voters in Mississippi and Alabama; personal encounters with such leaders as Martin Luther King, James Baldwin and Malcolm X; and his sudden decision in 1969 to relocate to Africa and change his name to Kwame Ture. Carmichael also addresses controversial issues that surrounded him as a young civil rights activist: his splits with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Black Panthers, and reports of ideological struggles with the pacifist King all "[u]tter, utter nonsense," he insists. While Carmichael's love for the African community and its traditions are infectiously passionate, the book's singular perspective, despite being intercut with other interviewees and sources, won't sustain every reader. The book is at its strongest when Carmichael recounts powerful I-was-there anecdotes (most notably from his days as a SNCC organizer in Mississippi) that civil rights historians will devour. At its best, this is a compelling portrait of a radical thinker who radiated charisma and practiced revolution to the end. (Nov.) Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Library Journal

Dictated as autobiography before he succumbed to cancer, this is the story of the enlarging life of Stokely Carmichael (1941- 98), with Thelwell (Univ. of Massachusetts Amherst, Afro-American studies) arranging the transcription for publication. Perhaps best known as the voice of the radical call "Black Power" while he headed the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in 1966-67, Carmichael cast himself then and ever as a freedom fighter. He promoted a vision of radical change throughout the black diaspora, with an aim not of moving from the margin to the mainstream but of moving the mainstream past its contradictions and complacency with the products of materiality into the moral process of justice. His theme harkens back to his 1971 Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. He further embraced his affinity in changing his name in 1978 to honor revolutionary West African leaders Kwame Nhrumah of Ghana and Sekou Toure of Guinea. Eschewing reductionism, this profound and expansive work demands reading by all with any interest in the Civil Rights Movement, African American or Pan-African history, biography, or modern U.S. history and politics. Highly recommended. [Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 7/03.]-Thomas J. Davis, Arizona State Univ., Tempe Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

What People Are Saying

Howard Zinn
I knew Stokely as a brilliant, charismatic, and courageous figure in the Southern movement against racism. He was a thinker of extraordinary vision and a fighter of unequalled courage. We should welcome his autobiography as told to his friend Mike Thelwell.


Mary King
Located midway between Gandhi and Lenin, Stokely engendered fierce love from his fellow SNCC workers — something inexplicable to onlookers who reviled him. No one seriously interested in the U.S. civil rights movement should be without this book. The provocative is made plain, the enigmatic clarified, and the elusive becomes sensible — with Stokely's unique voice, wit, and verve.


William Julius Wilson
Fascinating...one of the most engaging and interesting autobiographies I have ever read. The struggles of the civil rights movement and Carmichael's vision of social justice come alive in this important contribution to social history.


Manisha Sinha
One of the most historically significant autobiographies from the civil rights era. No historian of the civil rights movement will be able to write about this period without consulting this indispensable book. Written in the language and from the heart of African America, it is also an immense stylistic achievement.


Robert A. Hill
Stokely Carmichael has bequeathed to us what is sure to become one of the great American autobiographies — the story...of a time when Americans, black and white, men and women, believed they could remake their America. With amazing humor, tempered by real humility, Ready for Revolution represents...what is surely the defining story of the American century.




Table of Contents:
Collaborator's Note
Introduction

I. Oriki: Ancestors and Roots
II. The House at the Forty-Two Steps
III. A Tale of Two Cities
IV. "A Better Neighborhood"
V. Bronx Science: Young Manhood
VI. Howard University: Everything and Its Opposite
VII. NAG and the Birth of SNCC
VIII. Nonviolence -- Apprenticeship in Struggle
IX. The Great Leap Forward: The Freedom Rides
X. Nashville: A New Direction
XI. To School or Not to School
XII. The Hearts and Minds of the Student Body
XIII. Mississippi (1961-65): Going Home
XIV. A Band of Brothers, a Circle of Trust
XV. Of Marches, Coalitions, Dreams, and Ambulance Chasing
XVI. Summer '64: Ten Dollars a Day and All the Sex You Can Handle
XVII. They Still Didn't Get It
XVIII. The Unforeseen Pitfalls of "Success" American Style
XIX. Selma: Crisis, Chaos, Opportunity
XX. Lowndes County: The Roar of the Panther
XXI. "Magnified, Scrutinized, Criticized..."
XXII. "We Gotta Make This Our Mississippi"
XXIII. Black Power and Its Consequences
XXIV. Around the World in Eighty Days
XXV. Mother Africa and Her Suffering Children
XXVI. In That Ol' Brier Patch
XXVII. Conakry, 1968: Home to Africa
XXVIII. Cancer Brings Out the Best in People
XXIX. A Struggle on Two Fronts

Postscript
Afterword: In the Tradition
Acknowledgments
Index

Read an Excerpt

Ready for Revolution

The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture)
By Stokely Carmichael Michael Ekwueme Thelwell

Scribner

Copyright © 2003 Kwame Ture and Ekwueme Michael Thelwel
All right reserved.

ISBN: 0-684-85004-4


Chapter One

"A Better Neighborhood"

My father's announcement took us children by surprise. My mother was part of the announcing, standing next to my father, her face a study in pride and determination. Any apprehension in her expression was held firmly in check beneath the weight of the first two.

My father explained to us that even before we'd arrived from Trinidad, he had been searching everywhere for a better home for us. Now, with the help of the Lord and our good mother, he had found what he was looking for. We would be moving in about two weeks, for our parents had bought us a house.

"Praise the Lord," Mummy Olga sighed audibly. "Praise His holy name."

It would be a better neighborhood, my mom said. We would have more living space. The streets would be quieter, less crowded, and the children would have more freedom. It was close to a school. My mother really emphasized that we would be moving to a "good neighborhood." I do not recall if she mentioned that it would be a white neighborhood, but it was.

The house was farther up in the Bronx, on Amethyst Street, in the Morris Park/White Plains Road area, not far from the Bronx Zoo. We would discover that the neighborhood was heavily Italian with a strong admixture of Irish. It was respectable working class, "ethnic," and very, very Catholic. On one side it bordered Pelham Parkway, across which was a predominantly Jewish enclave.

Ours would be the first, and for much of my youth, the only African family in that immediate neighborhood.

Because we were children, it never occurred to us to wonder why or how my father had been allowed to buy into that block. Nor how, on a single income - my father's, for our parents were very clear that my mother would stay home and mother us full-time - they could have scraped together the down payment. Or from what reserves of inner will and determination these two young immigrants had summoned the optimism and courage to take this major first step in pursuit of the American Dream.

I do recall the excitement of packing for the move, my sisters' and my gleeful anticipation of the promised space and freedom. How big would our house be? How fancy? Would we have our own rooms? This excitement lasted until we actually saw our new home.

It was a dump. I mean, it was a serious, serious dump. In fact, it was the local eyesore, and the reason - I now understand clearly - my father had been able to get the house with no visible opposition was because it was, hands down, the worst house on the block. It was so run-down, beat-up, and ill kept that no one wanted it. If that house were a horse, it would have been described as "hard rode and put up wet." A creature in dire need of a little care and nurturing. My dad was the "sucker" the owners had "seen coming" on whom to unload their white elephant. Which is one reason, I'm sure, the race question was overlooked. Who else could have been expected to buy such a wreck?

When we first saw it, we children were shocked. We looked around the house and at each other. I mean, even the cramped quarters at Stebbins looked like a mansion compared to what we were moving into. I mean, small, little, squinched-up rooms, dark, sunless interiors, filthy baseboards, a total mess and not at all inviting.

But our initial disappointment did not, of course, take into account my father - his supreme confidence in his skills and resourcefulness. He had indeed spent a long time looking for just such a house. Seeing not what was, but what could be. The neighborhood was quieter, and the house just three houses down from a school, and by the grace of God, sufficiently derelict and decrepit as to be available and affordable. Perfect. The Lord do move in mysterious ways.

My father had cased the joint purposefully and assured himself that the foundations were solid enough to afford him a base on which to build. He'd figured out exactly what he was going to do with this house.

Immediately when we moved in - my mother used to tease him fondly that he unpacked his tools before he unpacked his bed - my father set to work, even though it was January and cold. The remake took a long time, continuing in some way as long as he lived there. On those happy days when he had a construction job, my father worked on our house at night. On those all too many days when the union hiring hall failed to refer him to a job, he worked on our home day and night. Before he was through he had added rooms upstairs and down, knocked out walls to create more space, put in windows and doors. In a word, he completely transformed that wreck.

We learned later that as the neighbors looked on, amusement turned to skepticism, skepticism to wonder, and wonder to respect. They were, after all, working men and respected industry and competence. And as they watched the transformation from eyesore to one of the more attractive and well-maintained homes on the block, the neighbors recognized that because of my father the value of their property had not, as expected, plummeted by reason of our black presence, but had instead been enhanced.

The school three houses away on Hamilton Avenue was P.S. 34, where I and my three hearing sisters were immediately enrolled. The eldest, Umilta, who was deaf, attended a special school downtown. Naturally, for us, there would be the necessary period of adjustment - the new-kids-on-the-block syndrome. That we were African undoubtedly contributed something to this tension at first, but I must say clearly that I can remember no instances of overt racism from the neighborhood kids.

Whatever their elders' attitudes might have been, once we were accepted in "da hood" by the other kids, that was it. Once we became familiar presences on the turf, so to say, citizens in good standing of the neighborhood, we were to be defended against any strangers from outside, whatever their color. But there would be a period of adjustment.

Our mother was always at home and overwatchful with one eye tuned in on the street. She at first tried to keep us at home as much as possible, and for a long time she was never really completely comfortable with our visiting other children's homes. For this reason, my father built a clubhouse in our backyard for my friends. Our backyard became a focus of youth activity, which made my mother happy, as most of my time was spent where she could watch my movements and make sure I was not being subjected to racist insults.

I believe my status among the boys was determined early by my mom and a stocky, muscular kid named Paulie Henry. Paulie was Italian/Irish, and most bellicose. He would, as they say, fight at the drop of a hat - and drop the hat himself. One day early on, Paulie slapped around a friend of mine called Billy. I mean, ol' Paulie, like Stack O' Lee in the blues, had laid a hurtin' on poor Billy.

According to my mom, she came out and found me crying along with Billy. I guess, sensitive kid that I was, I was comforting Billy by helping him cry. Billy explained what Paulie had done and added that Paulie had promised to come back and beat me up too. In fact, he had gone to round up his boys to help him administer said beating.

"And where's this Paulie now?" my mother asked.

"Over in the school yard," Billy sobbed.

Before the words were well out of his mouth, my mother stormed into the school yard, trailed a little hesitantly by me and Billy.

"Which one of you is Paulie?" she demanded. Whereupon she declared in a loud and carrying voice - obviously she was sending a message beyond just the school yard - that I was not Billy. And she was not Billy's mother. So everybody, I mean, everybody, better understand that if they laid a finger on her son, she would come back with her husband's ax and set to chopping.

Upon which a chastened, deeply impressed Paulie hastened to assure her that this did not involve her son at all. That they had absolutely no intention in the world of touching her son. This was purely between them and Billy.

It had been a dramatic performance on my mom's part, and quite convincing. It certainly convinced Paulie and his gang, and even I was not entirely sure whether my mother had been serious. Which, I suppose, is exactly what she intended.

For it sure worked. I was probably the only kid on that block Paulie never fought with. In fact, he became a friend, and later, something of an influence.

In all of P.S. 34, there was but one other African family, the Stovalls. But they lived farther down in the Bronx, on the edge of the district. The oldest Stovall was a good athlete and, by reputation, rough, a "real toughie." I suppose as only the second African boy to come through, I basked in some of his reflected valor. Strangely enough, I never became real close with the Stovalls, perhaps because they didn't live in our immediate neighborhood. A case of the dominance of geography, "turf" over race, I presume.

In my class, the fifth grade, the acknowledged baddest dude was an Italian kid named Nicky. I had not been in school two weeks when, for some reason, Nicky challenged me. Again, the teacher gets wind of it and lets me out early. This time, though, there was no uncertainty on my part. I had learned with Jay precisely how to work this one.

In the end, it was almost a total rerun of P.S. 39 and Jay, as Nicky also decided it best that we not fight. Unlike Jay, however, we never became friends. Our relationship remained cool, but correct, a kind of peaceful school-yard coexistence.

Here at P.S. 34 I would find my peers undisciplined, less so than at Stebbins, but undisciplined nonetheless. Also just as destructive, breaking pens and pencils to throw at each other, dashing their books to the ground to fight each other. Which again raised the same question for me: Why were American children so undisciplined and even self-destructive? I still have no answer for that, but as I got more and more into the neighborhood, I would get to see this self-destructiveness at close hand.

By constantly reminding us that we were going to a better neighborhood, my mother had created certain expectations. Yet I would discover that just as much stealing was occurring in the "better" neighborhood, and this would come to touch me quite poignantly.

Despite my mother's efforts to keep us at home or in the backyard, inevitably, my being a boy and older, I would eventually begin to roam the neighborhood. This was almost always in the company of my new and close friend John DiMilio. John and I were inseparable, so close that the neighbors called us the Bobbsey Twins - one being fair and the other dark. They said, "Wherever you see one, you look for the other, he won't be far." We were constantly in and out of each other's home, and before long I was deeply immersed in the ambient local Italian culture.

What little sponges children can be. I loved the food, both the taste and the sound of it, those final vowels and rolling consonants: spaghetti, macaroni, pizza, calamari, antipasto, mozzarella, and so forth. Because of Umilta's deafness, our family had learned to sign to communicate with her. This might explain my fascination with the expressive vocabulary of gestures that was so much a part of Italian conversation. I picked up these gestures naturally, and soon I could curse fluently in Italian to the accompaniment of eloquent gestures, much to the amusement of the adults. "Yo, kid, wad-daw-yah, a wise guy? Gi-dudah-heyah!"

I must in truth have been a sight, a pint-size paisano in blackface. A real wise guy. Everyone knew me even if they did not know my name. The street name they gave me, because I was dark, was Sichie, short for Sicilian. (Later I would learn from Malcolm X the role of Africans in the history of that island and the extent to which the Moors had left their indelible imprint on Sicilian architecture and on the complexion of the populace.)

Naturally, I also picked up the prevalent political attitudes of the Italian community. They did not particularly trust the government, in particular the FBI and the IRS. Of the two agencies, the IRS was truly to be feared while the FBI, in vernacular translation "Forever Bugging Italians," was bush league. My neighbors had scant respect for either that agency or its director, noting that it had consistently failed to make a single racketeering charge against Al Capone stick, while the IRS had busted him on tax evasion.

In the Harlem barbershop where my hair was cut, I would hear an African version of this conventional street wisdom. "Better you kill someone than cheat on them taxes, baby. Yo kin get away with murder easier than taxes. Mes wit his taxes an' Uncle Sam will git you. Yes he will, swear befo' God. Look what happened to Capone."

I know my mother regarded my integration into the local culture with considerable ambivalence. On the one hand, she was pleased with my easy acceptance and local popularity. On the other, a caveat. Her mantra became "Remember now, you can't be doing like these little white boys. Something happen out there in the street and you know who will get the blame." And that familiar nostrum of black parents: "Your little white friends got it made. For you to make it, you will have to be three times better than them. You best remember that, now." That, as it turned out, proved not all that accurate, failing as it did to take into account the serious consequences of class, culture, and gender.

However, my mother's misgivings were well founded, for the youth culture of that block was even then at considerable odds with the values and expectations of the parents.

When I began to hang out after sunset, she imposed a 9:00 P.M.. curfew, which, of course, I stretched as much as was prudent, which did not escape her notice. There would be frequent confrontation. Whenever I pulled in at 9:20 or 9:30, I'd hear about it in no uncertain terms.

One evening, fortunately for me, nothing very interesting was going down in the street. I went home early and retired quietly upstairs to my room. I read some and fell asleep.

At nine o'clock, my mother became incensed, "I know that boy's been running the streets. Well, when he comes in tonight, I am going to catch him. And he will hear me."

Whereupon she fetches up some of my Dad's two by fours and nails and proceeds to batten down the front door as though in preparation for a hurricane. I mean it was a sho'nuff barricade, Jack. By about ten, she's worried. Ten thirty she's besides herself. She rouses my father. "That son of yours is out running the streets again. You better go find him."

"Course I'll go. But, May, you done nailed up the door," my father pointed out.

I hear my name and call down. "Did someone call me?"

"You upstairs?" my mother cried. "Stokely, you upstairs?"

"Yes, ma'am. Is something wrong?"

"No, nothing. Nothing at all," she cries. "Stay in your bed." But by then I'm coming downstairs, trying (without great success) to keep a straight face at the sight of the door.

"Oh, what happened to the door?" I ask innocently. "Is a hurricane coming?"

"Yes, Mr. Man. You go ahead and laugh. But the night I catch you, we'll see how you laugh then."

Did my mother have reason to worry? Absolutely. More reason to worry, in fact, than she ever suspected, even though she tried everything possible to keep me out of trouble. Everything possible. Just like John DiMilio's mother; just like Cookie Delappio's mother; just like Paulie Henry's mother. And many, many other mothers like them. They do their best to keep their children out of trouble in this society ... and fail. They do all in their power to keep them out of jail, to keep them off drugs, away from the many dangers that are out there in America, and too often they fail.

That's why I laugh when I hear people say that it is the parents who are to blame. It's not the parents, it's the society, stupid. The society with its venal, backward, and predatory values. This is what must be changed.

So, what was it that my mother did not really know? Well ... start with the bellicose Paulie, he of the ax-lady incident. Among his age group on the block, Paulie was a leader, in fighting, in stealing, in breaking into neighborhood stores, and such like antisocial actions. All potentially self-destructive. A nice friend otherwise, but this was just his undisciplined streak. Something I found so rampant in America.

(Continues...)



Excerpted from Ready for Revolution by Stokely Carmichael Michael Ekwueme Thelwell Copyright © 2003 by Kwame Ture and Ekwueme Michael Thelwel. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

Interesting book: Advanced ActionScript 3 with Design Patterns or CINEMA 4D

Memos to the Governor: An Introduction to State Budgeting

Author: Dall W Forsyth

This revised and updated edition of Memos to the Governor goes behind governmental fiscal gobbledygook to clearly explain the technical, economic, and political dynamics of budget making. Dall Forsythe untangles the knotty processes of budget preparation and implementation, outlining the budgeting process through a series of memos from a budget director to a newly elected governor -- a format that guides the neophyte through the complicated financial processes involved in state governance. Forsythe covers all of the steps of budget preparation, from strategy to execution, explaining technical vocabulary, and discussing key topics including baseline budgeting, revenue forecasting, and gap-closing options. Memos to the Governor is a painless, practical introduction to budget preparation for students of and practitioners in public administration and public-sector financial management.



Thursday, February 19, 2009

Vernacular Voices or Song of Faith and Hope

Vernacular Voices: The Rhetoric of Publics and Public Spheres

Author: Gerard A Hauser

Democracy is grounded on the principle that public opinion should influence the course of society. Yet this opinion, its content, and its representation are difficult to define and interpret. Vernacular Voices: The Rhetoric of Publics and Public Spheres discusses the role of citizen voices in steering a democracy through an examination of the rhetoric of publics - active segments of society that influence the "general climate" of public dialogue - and of the associated public spheres and public opinion.



Table of Contents:
List of Tables
Series Editor's Preface
Acknowledgments
Introduction: Forgotten Publics1
Ch. 1The Public Voice of Vernacular Rhetoric13
Ch. 2Discourse, Rhetorical Discourse, and the Public Sphere37
Ch. 3Civic Conversation and the Reticulate Public Sphere57
Ch. 4Reading Public Opinion from Vernacular Rhetoric82
Ch. 5Narrative, Cultural Memory, and the Appropriation of Historicity111
Ch. 6Reshaping Publics and Public Spheres: The Meese Commission's Report on Pornography161
Ch. 7Technologizing Public Opinion: Opinion Polls, the Iranian Hostages, and the Presidential Election189
Ch. 8Democracy's Narrative: Living in Roosevelt's America232
Ch. 9The Rhetoric of Publicness: Theory and Method268
App. IChronology of Hostage Developments283
App. IIChronology of the 1980 Campaign289
Notes293
Bibliography311
Index329

New interesting textbook: Corporations and Other Business Associations or Human Value Management

Song of Faith and Hope: The Life of Frankie Muse Freeman

Author: Frankie Muse Muse Freeman

Growing up in the Jim Crow-era South, Frankie Freeman learned lessons about discrimination. She walked places instead of taking the segregated streetcar; she felt hurts and vowed privately never to forget. But in her loving family, she also learned positive lessons about living: work hard, get an education, fight injustice, and make a difference. Freeman took all these lessons to Hampton Institute, to Howard University law school, then to her career as a St. Louis civil rights attorney, winning a landmark victory in the area of fair housing. In 1964, she became the first woman appointed to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, leaving in 1979 to serve as inspector general of the Community Services Administration. During these years, she was also St. Louis Housing Authority general counsel—and lost her job amid bitter controversy stirred up by a commission hearing in St. Louis County. This memoir tells the story of Frankie Freeman's life and career. There were high points, such as meetings with President Lyndon Johnson, historic commission hearings, and her national presidency of Delta Sigma Theta sorority. There were also difficult events, such as the illness and death of her husband and son. Through it all, she continued to fight for what she believed in; she kept her faith—and carried on.



Wednesday, February 18, 2009

Eternally Vigilant or Black Marxism

Eternally Vigilant: Free Speech in the Modern Era

Author: Lee C Bollinger

While freedom of speech has been guaranteed us for centuries, the First Amendment as we know it today is largely a creation of the past eighty years. Eternally Vigilant brings together a group of distinguished legal scholars to reflect boldly on its past, its present shape, and what forms our understanding of it might take in the future. The result is a unique volume spanning the entire spectrum of First Amendment issues, from its philosophical underpinnings to specific issues like campaign regulation, obscenity, and the new media.
"With group efforts, such as this collection of essays, it is almost inevitable that there will be a couple—and often several—duds among the bunch, or at least a dismaying repetition of ideas. Such is not the case here. . . . Whether one agrees with a given author or not (and it is possible to do both with any of the essays), each has something to add. Overall, Eternally Vigilant is a thoughtful and thought-provoking book, consistently intelligent and, at times, brilliant."—Richard J. Mollot, New York Law Journal
Contributors:
Lillian R. BeVier
Vincent Blasi
Lee C. Bollinger
Stanley Fish
Owen M. Fiss
R. Kent Greenawalt
Richard A. Posner
Robert C. Post
Frederick Schauer
Geoffrey R. Stone
David A. Strauss
Cass R. Sunstein



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Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition

Author: Cedric J Robinson

In this influential work, first published in 1993, Cedric Robinson demonstrates that efforts to understand black people's history of resistance solely through the prism of Marxist theory are incomplete and inaccurate. Marxist analyses, he shows, tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of black people and black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of blacks on western continents, Robinson argues, and any analysis of African American history needs to acknowledge this.

Library Journal

Robinson rejects previous studies of black radicalism on the basis that they are founded on European history, which does not include blacks. Although he does trace European Marxism, for him the path of black resistance lies in other areas. A must-have volume for any black studies curriculum, this volume is also something public libraries will want. This edition of the 1983 original sports a new preface by Robinson. Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.



Table of Contents:
CONTENTS
Foreword by Robin D. G. Kelley
Preface to the 1999 Edition
Preface
Acknowledgments
Introduction 1

Part I. The Emergence and Limitations of European Radicalism 1. Racial Capitalism: The Nonobjective Character of Capitalist Development
Europe's Formation
The First Bourgeoisie
The Modern World Bourgeoisie
The Lower Orders
The Effects of Western Civilization on Capitalism
2. The English Working Class as the Mirror of Production
Poverty and Industrial Capitalism
The Reaction of English Labor
The Colonization of Ireland
English Working-Class Consciousness and the Irish Worker
The Proletariat and the English Working Class
3. Socialist Theory and Nationalism
Socialist Thought: Negation of Feudalism or Capitalism?
From Babeuf to Marx: A Curious Historiography
Marx, Engels, and Nationalism
Marxism and Nationalism
Conclusion

Part II. The Roots of Black Radicalism 4. The Process and Consequences of Africa's Transmutation
The Diminution of the Diaspora
The Primary Colors of American Historical Thought
The Destruction of the African Past
Premodern Relations between Africa and Europe
The Mediterranean: Egypt, Greece, and Rome
The Dark Ages: Europe and Africa
Islam, Africa, and Europe
Europe and the Eastern Trade
Islam and the Making of Portugal
Islam and Eurocentrism
5. The Atlantic Slave Trade and African Labor
The Genoese Bourgeoisie and the Age of Discovery
Genoese Capital, the Atlantic, and a Legend
African Labor as Capital
The Ledgers of a World System
The Column Marked "British Capitalism"
6. The Historical Archaeology of the Black Radical Tradition
History and the Mere Slave
Reds, Whites, and Blacks
Black for Red
Black Resistance: The Sixteenth Century
Palmares and Seventeenth-Century Marronage
Black Resistance in North America
The Haitian Revolution
Black Brazil and Resistance
Resistance in the British West Indies
Africa: Revolt at the Source
7. The Nature of the Black Radical Tradition

Part III. Black Radicalism and Marxist Theory 8. The Formation of an Intelligentsia
Capitalism, Imperialism, and the Black Middle Classes
Western Civilization and the Renegade Black Intelligentsia
9. Historiography and the Black Radical Tradition
Du Bois and the Myths of National History
Du Bois and the Reconstruction of History and American Political Thought
Slavery and Capitalism
Labor, Capitalism, and Slavery
Slavery and Democracy
Reconstruction and the Black Elite
Du Bois, Marx, and Marxism
Bolshevism and American Communism
Black Nationalism
Blacks and Communism
Du Bois and Radical Theory
10. C. L. R. James and the Black Radical Tradition
Black Labor and the Black Middle Classes in Trinidad
The Black Victorian Becomes a Black Jacobin
British Socialism
Black Radicals in the Metropole
The Theory of the Black Jacobin
Coming to Terms with the Marxist Tradition
11. Richard Wright and the Critique of Class Theory
Marxist Theory and the Black Radical Intellectual
The Novel as Politics
Wright's Social Theory
Blacks as the Negation of Capitalism
The Outsider as a Critique of Christianity and Marxism
12. An Ending
Notes
Bibliography
Index
WEB REVIEWS: "Robinson demonstrates very clearly . . . the ability of the black tradition to transcend national boundaries and accommodate cultural, religious and 'racial' differences. Indeed, he shows that, in a sense, it has emerged out of the transformation of these differences."--Race and Class

"A towering achievement. There is simply nothing like it in the history of black radical thought."--Cornel West, Monthly Review AUTHOR BIO: Cedric J. Robinson is professor of black studies and professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His books include The Terms of Order, Black Movements in America, and the forthcoming Anthropology of Marxism.

Monday, February 16, 2009

Crisis of Islam or Triangle Fire

Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror

Author: Bernard Lewis

In his first book since What Went Wrong? Bernard Lewis examines the historical roots of the resentments that dominate the Islamic world today and that are increasingly being expressed in acts of terrorism. He looks at the theological origins of political Islam and takes us through the rise of militant Islam in Iran, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, examining the impact of radical Wahhabi proselytizing, and Saudi oil money, on the rest of the Islamic world.

The Crisis of Islam ranges widely through thirteen centuries of history, but in particular it charts the key events of the twentieth century leading up to the violent confrontations of today: the creation of the state of Israel, the Cold War, the Iranian Revolution, the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan, the Gulf War, and the September 11th attacks on the United States.

While hostility toward the West has a long and varied history in the lands of Islam, its current concentration on America is new. So too is the cult of the suicide bomber. Brilliantly disentangling the crosscurrents of Middle Eastern history from the rhetoric of its manipulators, Bernard Lewis helps us understand the reasons for the increasingly dogmatic rejection of modernity by many in the Muslim world in favor of a return to a sacred past. Based on his George Polk Award–winning article for The New Yorker, The Crisis of Islam is essential reading for anyone who wants to know what Usama bin Ladin represents and why his murderous message resonates so widely in the Islamic world.

The New York Times

The Crisis of Islam is rich with the eloquence and erudition for which Lewis has become known and admired, even by his critics. Where this book is at its best is in showcasing his knowledge of the history, historiography, jurisprudence and customs of Islamic society in the Middle East. For this reason, his chapter ''The House of War,'' describing the theological basis for jihad and martyrdom, as well as their distortion by some fundamentalists to justify terrorism, is a gem. So too is ''Double Standards,'' which deals with America's own sordid relationship with Middle East tyrants. — Kenneth M. Pollack

The Washington Post

Lewis elegantly and concisely tracks the crisis that is besetting the Muslim world, particularly in the Middle East, soberly explaining that if al Qaeda's leaders "can persuade the world of Islam to accept their views and their leadership, then a long and bitter struggle lies ahead." Bin Laden has acquired a mantle of respectability among certain sections of the Muslim world because other Middle Eastern leaders are seen as compromised. By contrast, his sizable fan base sees him as courageous and incorruptible. For that reason, al Qaeda is not only a terrorist organization but also is morphing into something that approximates a mass movement subscribing to bin Laden's Manichean view that the West really is the enemy of Islam. One can only hope that the conduct of U.S. policy in Iraq, both during the war and afterward, will help to invalidate that view. — Peter Bergen

Publishers Weekly

This lean, muscular volume, an expansion of Lewis's George Polk Award-winning New Yorker article, sheds much-needed light on the complicated and volatile Middle East. To locate the origins of anti-American sentiment, Islamic scholar Lewis maps the history of Muslim anxiety towards the West from the time of the Crusades through European imperialism, and explains how America's increased presence in the region since the Cold War has been construed as a renewed cry of imperialism. In Islam, politics and religion are inextricable, and followers possess an acute knowledge of their own history dating back to the Prophet Mohammed, a timeline Lewis revisits. By so doing, the bestselling author of What Went Wrong? is able to cogently investigate key issues, such as why the United States has been dubbed the "Great Satan" and Israel the "Little Satan," and how Muslim extremism has taken root and succeeded in bastardizing the fundamental Islamic tenets of peace. Lewis also covers the impact of the Iranian Revolution and American foreign policy towards it, Soviet influence in the region and the ramifications of modernization, making this clear, taut and timely primer a must-read for any concerned citizen. (171 pages; 4 maps) (Apr.) Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Library Journal

In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, myriad articles and books have been published to explain how certain interpretations of Islam have led to the rise of terrorist groups in the Muslim world. In this book, well-known historian Lewis (emeritus, Princeton) continues the debate about the nature of Islam and the implications of politicized Islam for the West. An updated and expanded version of an article he wrote for The New Yorker in November 2001 (for which he received the prestigious George Polk Award), this, in many ways, continues the discussion of topics covered at greater length in the author's recent What Went Wrong?: Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response. Here, Lewis covers the historical roots of contemporary malaise in the Muslim world, the role of Saudi Arabia in Islamic radicalism, and how grievances of radical Muslims against the West and its local allies-real or contrived-are formed. Recommended for large public libraries, but those already holding the more scholarly and historical What Went Wrong? may not need this.-Nader Entessar, Spring Hill Coll., Mobile, AL Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

School Library Journal

Adult/High School-This is a clear, evenhanded overview of the geopolitical events and religious/cultural belief systems that underlie current tensions between the West and Muslim populations around the globe. An amplification of an article Lewis wrote for the New Yorker, the book spans more than 13 centuries but primary emphasis is on key happenings from the early 20th century to the present. Four pages of maps precede the text, illustrating the dramatic expansion of Islamic influence from the Age of the Caliphs (632-750 C.E.) to its zenith during the Ottoman Empire, followed by attrition and decline through the Age of Imperialism to current boundaries. Among the themes the author tackles are grievances over the modern-day presence of foreigners and "infidels" in holy lands, a discussion he places in historical context to explain the rise of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia, albeit without excusing the excesses of that movement's adherents. Fundamental differences in the way Islamic societies and the West approach religion and government are elucidated, with commentary on the ramifications for power structures. The issues are complex, but the writing is accessible to older high school students. John L. Esposito's The Oxford Dictionary of Islam (Oxford, 2003) is a valuable companion resource for academically reliable, paragraph-length identification of concepts, geographic place names, and people in the Lewis volume.-Lynn Nutwell, Fairfax City Regional Library, VA Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews

The dean of Islamic studies in America ponders the current state of what is both a religion and a political system, and finds it wanting. Mainstream Islam, at least in its ideal form, is at a far remove from the headline-conquering visions of the Islamicists, whether they be the ayatollahs of Iran or the terrorists of al-Qaeda. But, suggests Lewis (Near Eastern Studies Emeritus/Princeton Univ.; The Multiple Identities of the Middle East, 1999, etc.), the fundamentalists may be well along in shifting the center toward the extreme: "The medieval assassins were an extremist sect, very far from mainstream Islam," he writes. "That is not true of their present-day imitators." Witness, Lewis writes, the ever-growing power of Wahhabism, the conservative strain of Islam that now dominates Saudi Arabia, which Lewis persuasively likens to the Ku Klux Klan. "The custodianship of holy places [in Saudi Arabia] and the revenues of oil have given worldwide impact to what would otherwise have been an extremist fringe in a marginal country," writes Lewis-an extremist fringe among whose notable products is Usama bin Ladin, as Lewis spells it, whose "declaration of war against the United States marks the resumption of the struggle for religious dominance of the world that began in the seventh century." The Islamicists have been able to turn the disaffection of the young and impoverished against not merely America, writes Lewis, but against their home governments, which, after all, have done little to produce healthy societies. (For in every measurable respect of social and material well-being, Lewis writes, the Islamic world lags "ever farther behind the West. Even worse, the Arab nations also lag behind themore recent recruits to Western-style modernity, such as Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore.") Small wonder that so many young Muslims are so eager to fulfill the Quranic obligation of jihad, or "holy war," by striking out against the West-though, Lewis is quick to add, "at no point do the basic texts of Islam enjoin terrorism and murder." Expanded from Lewis's prizewinning New Yorker commentary following 9/11: an illuminating brief overview of Islam today.



Look this: QuickBooks 2009 All in One For Dummies or Digital Signal Processing

Triangle Fire

Author: Leon Stein

On March 25, 1911, 146 employees of the Triangle Shirtwaist Company in New York City were killed in the span of a few minutes because no provision had been made for their safety in the event of fire. The Cornell edition of Leon Stein's 1962 account features 16 illustrations, some never before published. A new introduction by the journalist William Greider makes clear that accounts of dangerous workplaces and sweatshop conditions are still all-too-relevant today, ninety years after the fire. The story of the catastrophe and the doomed Triangle Shirtwaist workers, as told by one of the great labor journalists, will not soon be forgotten.

About the Authors:
The late Leon Stein was the editor of Justice, the official publication of the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union. He was also the author of Out of the Sweatshop: The Struggle for Industrial Democracy.

William Greider, national affairs correspondent for The Nation magazine, is author of One World, Ready or Not: The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism.

What People Are Saying

Michael Kazin
Leon Stein's gripping narrative of the Triangle tragedy is one of the classics of American history. And William Greider has added an introduction that bluntly, eloquently describes how little conditions have changed for sweatshop workers the world over. As the grandson of a one-time Triangle seamstress, I salute the reissue of a book that anyone who cares about labor, past or present, should read.
&3151;(Michael Kazin, Georgetown University. Author of The Populist Persuasion: An American History and other books.)




Table of Contents:
Part 1
1.Fire11
2.Trap22
3.Eighth30
4.Tenth43
5.Ninth51
6.Escape67
7.Night73
8.Day89
9.Morgue95
Part 2
10.Guilt113
11.Help122
12.Protest134
13.Dirge147
14.Shirtwaist158
15.Protection169
16.Justice177
17.Phoenix204
18.Fire213
Postscript215
Index221

Sunday, February 15, 2009

Brave New War or The Texture of Memory

Brave New War: The Next Stage of Terrorism and the End of Globalization

Author: James Fallows

"For my money, John Robb, a former Air Force officer and tech guru, is the futurists' futurist."
Slate

War in the twenty-first century will be very different from what we've come to expect. Terrorism and guerrilla warfare are rapidly evolving to allow nonstate networks to challenge the structure and order of nation-states. It is a change on par with the rise of the Internet and China, and will dramatically change how you and your kids will view security.

In Brave New War, the counterterrorism expert John Robb reveals how the same technology that has enabled globalization also allows terrorists and criminals to join forces against larger adversaries with relative ease and to carry out small, inexpensive actions—like sabotaging an oil pipeline—that will generate a huge return. He shows how taking steps to combat the shutdown of the world's oil, high-tech, and financial markets could cost us the thing we've come to value the most—worldwide economic and cultural integration—and the crucial steps we must take now to safeguard our systems and ourselves against this new method of warfare.



Table of Contents:
Foreword by James Fallows.

Preface.

Part I. THE FUTURE OF WAR IS NOW.

1 The Superempowered Competition.

2 Disorder on the Doorstep.

3 A New Strategic Weapon.

Part II. GLOBAL GUERRILLAS.

4 The Long Tail of Warfare Emerges.

5 Systems Disruption.

6 Open-Source Warfare.

Part III. HOW GLOBALIZATION WILL PUT AN END TO GLOBALIZATION.

7 Guerrilla Entrepreneurs.

8 Rethinking Security.

9 A Brittle Security Breakdown.

Notes.

Further Reading.

Index.

Interesting book: Breads or Joanne Weirs More Cooking in the Wine Country

The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning in Europe, Israel, and America

Author: James E Young

For the Germans and Austrians, memorializing the Holocaust has required public recognition of their crimes; for the Jews, it has required public expression of their suffering. As James Young brilliantly demonstrates, each monument is charged with the often highly problematic struggle between collective memory and national self-image, self-interest, and the aspiration toward a future. Through the memorials and monuments, Young illuminates the process whereby the meaning of the Holocaust continues to be redefined in each new generation in Europe, Israel, and America. This richly illustrated book is a groundbreaking study of the fusion of Holocaust memory and public art in contemporary life.

Booknews

Young (English and Judaic studies, U. of Mass., Amherst) examines Holocaust monuments and museums in Europe, Israel, and America, exploring how every nation remembers the Holocaust according to its own traditions, ideals, and experiences, and how these memorials reflect their place in contemporary aesthetic and architectural discourse. Thoroughly and well illustrated. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)

What People Are Saying

Saul Friedlander
A sensitive and intellectually compelling book. Young's comparative approach to the study of Holocaust memorials is groundbreaking.


Mark Pollock
The Texture of Memory is a major contribution to our understanding of the Holocaust....It makes clear that much of who we are is shpaed not only by what we remember but also by how we remember.




Saturday, February 14, 2009

The Prince or The Berlin Wall

The Prince (Enriched Classics Series)

Author: Niccolo Machiavelli

Need to seize a country? Have enemies you must destroy? In this handbook for despots and tyrants, the Renaissance statesman Machiavelli sets forth how to accomplish this and more, while avoiding the awkwardness of becoming generally hated and despised.

"Men ought either to be well treated or crushed, because they can avenge themselves of lighter injuries, of more serious ones they cannot; therefore the injury that is to be done to a man ought to be of such a kind that one does not stand in fear of revenge."

For nearly 500 years, Machiavelli's observations on Realpolitik have shocked and appalled the timid and romantic, and for many his name was equivalent to the devil's own. Yet, The Prince was the first attempt to write of the world of politics as it is, rather than sanctimoniously of how it should be, and thus The Prince remains as honest and relevant today as when Machiavelli first put quill to parchment, and warned the junior statesman to know how to do wrong, and to make use of it or not according to necessity.



Table of Contents:
Chronology
Map
Introduction
Translator's Note
Selected Books
Machiavelli's Principal Works
Letter to the Magnificent Lorenzo de Medici1
IHow many kinds of principality there are and the ways in which they are acquired5
IIHereditary principalities5
IIIComposite principalities6
IVWhy the kingdom of Darius conquered by Alexander did not rebel against his successors after his death13
VHow cities or principalities which lived under their own laws should be administered after being conquered16
VINew principalities acquired by one's own arms and prowess17
VIINew principalities acquired with the help of fortune and foreign arms20
VIIIThose who come to power by crime27
IXThe constitutional principality31
XHow the strength of every principality should be measured34
XIEcclesiastical principalities36
XIIMilitary organization and mercenary troops39
XIIIAuxiliary, composite, and native troops43
XIVHow a prince should organize his militia47
XVThe things for which men, and especially princes, are praised or blamed49
XVIGenerosity and parsimony51
XVIICruelty and compassion; and whether it is better to be loved than feared, or the reverse53
XVIIIHow princes should honour their word56
XIXThe need to avoid contempt and hatred58
XXWhether fortresses and many of the other present-day expedients to which princes have recourse are useful or not67
XXIHow a prince must act to win honour71
XXIIA prince's personal staff75
XXIIIHow flatterers must be shunned76
XXIVWhy the Italian princes have lost their states78
XXVHow far human affairs are governed by fortune, and how fortune can be opposed79
XXVIExhortation to liberate Italy from the barbarians82
Glossary of Proper Names86
Notes99

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The Berlin Wall: And the Inner-German Border 1961-89

Author: Gordon L Rottman

The Berlin Wall and the Inner-German Border (IGB) were built to halt the flow of refugees from East Germany to the West. From August 13, 1961, over 96 miles of crude fences and more sophisticated walls were erected around West Berlin. Border defenses ran 858 miles from the Baltic to the Czechoslovakian border, cutting villages in two, running through buildings, and intersecting roads and railways. Gordon L Rottman, who became familiar with both sides of the border while posted to Germany, examines the international situations that led to the creation of the Berlin Wall, discussing how the barrier systems functioned and their significance in the Cold War. Covering the erection of the barriers, how they evolved, defensive devices and the role of the checkpoints, this book also describes how ordinary people attempted to overcome these physical and political obstacles in their quest for freedom.

Gordon Rottman writes,"In 1980 I found myself in a long-range reconnaissance patrol (LRRP) company. After 2 years of training we were assigned as the V Corps LRRP company: our mission in the event of a Soviet invasion of West Germany was to insert our 21 five-man reconnaissance teams inside East Germany, establish "hides" overlooking autobahns and other highways, and report the movements of the second operational echelon, the follow-on forces behind the initial assault forces. This required us to know a great deal about what it was like inside East Germany. We began an intense study of the IGB, and in the process I was able to visit the border, learn its ways, and find out how to penetrate it."



Friday, February 13, 2009

Invisible Enemies or Energy Cooperation in the Western Hemisphere

Invisible Enemies: The American War on Vietnam, 1975-2000

Author: Edwin A Martini

Beginning where most histories of the Vietnam War end, Invisible Enemies examines the relationship between the United States and Vietnam following the American pullout in 1975. Drawing on a broad range of sources, from White House documents and congressional hearings to comic books and feature films, Edwin Martini shows how the United States continued to wage war on Vietnam "by other means" for another twenty-five years. In addition to imposing an extensive program of economic sanctions, the United States opposed Vietnam's membership in the United Nations, supported the Cambodians, including the Khmer Rouge, in their decade-long war with the Vietnamese, and insisted that Vietnam provide a "full accounting" of American MIAs before diplomatic relations could be established. According to Martini, such policies not only worked against some of the stated goals of U.S. foreign policy, they were also in opposition to the corporate economic interests that ultimately played a key role in normalizing relations between the two nations in the late 1990s.

Martini reinforces his assessment of American diplomacy with an analysis of the "cultural front"-the movies, myths, memorials, and other phenomena that supported continuing hostility toward Vietnam while silencing opposing views of the war and its legacies. He thus demonstrates that the "American War on Vietnam" was as much a battle for the cultural memory of the war within the United States as it was a lengthy economic, political, and diplomatic campaign to punish a former adversary.

About the Author:
Edwin A. Martini is assistant professor of history at Western Michigan University

Chronicle of Higher Education

Examines American postwar hostility to Vietnam as reflected in economic sanctions, foreign policy, popular culture, and other realms.

What People Are Saying

James McAllister
"Invisible Enemies" is an original and welcome addition to the existing literature on the Vietnam War. In addition to providing a critique of American policy toward Vietnam after 1975, a period generally ignored by students of the war, Martini effectively combines the fields of diplomatic history and cultural studies. . . . ["Invisible Enemies"] is a work of scholarship that truly does transcend narrow disciplinary boundaries."--(James McAllister, Williams College)


Robert K. Brigham
"Martini should be commended for adding significantly to our understanding of the war after the war. . . . This is a first-rate book and a must reading for anyone interested in recent U.S. foreign policy."--(Robert K. Brigham, Vassar College)


Matthew Masur
"Teachers of courses on the Vietnam War will find "Invisible Enemies" a useful source for bringing their class to the end of the twentieth century. Scholars of American foreign relations will appreciate a fresh and engaging approach to a topic that is sorely in need of historical study."--(Matthew Masur, St. Anselm College)




Table of Contents:
Acknowledgments     xi
Abbreviations     xiii
Introduction     1
A Continuation of War by Other Means: The Origins of the American War on Vietnam, 1975-1977     12
Constructing Mutual Destruction: The Cultural Logic of Normalization, 1977-1979     40
Bleeding Vietnam: The United States and the Third Indochina War     78
"I Am Reality": Redrawing the Terms of Battle, 1985-1989     116
Peace Is at Hand: Roadmaps, Roadblocks, and One-Way Streets, 1990-1995     162
Invisible Enemies: Searching for Vietnam at the Wall(s)     205
Epilogue: The Uneasy Peace and the Flags That Still Fly     235
Notes     243
Index     274

Look this: Voltaire in Exile or Though the Heavens May Fall

Energy Cooperation in the Western Hemisphere: Benefits and Impediments

Author: Sidney Weintraub

Energy Cooperation in the Western Hemisphere examines the state of energy cooperation among 11 Western Hemisphere oil and natural gas producers and the opportunities for greater cooperation. The result of more than two years of extensive in-country research and interviews with key stakeholders including governments and major oil and gas interests, the study is distinguished by its comprehensive approach and detailed country-by-country analysis of current conditions and future projects. Sidney Weintraub and his coauthors examine the critical historical factors, technical challenges, dangerous conditions, and political tensions, divisions, and disagreements that have hampered hemispheric cooperation.

What People Are Saying

Guy Caruso
Energy Cooperation in the Western Hemisphere ...captures the essence of these energy issues and succinctly discusses the opportunities and challenges ahead for the political leadership in the countries involved. (Guy Caruso, Administrator, Energy Information Administration)


Thomas F. McLarty III
Richly detailed and persuasively argued...A must read for policymakers, business executives, and students of the hemisphere. (Thomas F. (Mack) McLarty III, President, Kissinger McLarty Associates)




Wednesday, February 11, 2009

Of Paradise and Power or Miles Gone By

Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order

Author: Robert Kagan

From a leading scholar of our country’s foreign policy, the brilliant essay about America and the world that has caused a storm in international circles now expanded into book form.

European leaders, increasingly disturbed by U.S. policy and actions abroad, feel they are headed for what the New York Times (July 21, 2002) describes as a “moment of truth.” After years of mutual resentment and tension, there is a sudden recognition that the real interests of America and its allies are diverging sharply and that the trans-atlantic relationship itself has changed, possibly irreversibly. Europe sees the United States as high-handed, unilateralist, and unnecessarily belligerent; the United States sees Europe as spent, unserious, and weak. The anger and mistrust on both sides are hardening into incomprehension.

This past summer, in Policy Review, Robert Kagan reached incisively into this impasse to force both sides to see themselves through the eyes of the other. Tracing the widely differing histories of Europe and America since the end of World War II, he makes clear how for one the need to escape a bloody past has led to a new set of transnational beliefs about power and threat, while the other has perforce evolved into the guarantor of that “postmodern paradise” by dint of its might and global reach. This remarkable analysis is being discussed from Washington to Paris to Tokyo. It is esssential reading.

The New York Times

A veteran of four years in the State Department, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the author of several books and articles, Kagan demonstrates a confidence and authority that demand serious attention. To disagree with his theses is not to argue against the importance of his essay. On the contrary, generating an intelligent and focused debate is a major function of such works. The true measure of Kagan's small book is that it is hard to imagine any future serious discussion of trans-Atlantic relations or America's role in the world without reference to it. — Serge Schmemann

Foreign Affairs

A book version of the essay that sparked a great debate on both sides of the Atlantic in 2002. In this tour de force, Kagan argues that today's conflict between the United States and Europe is not simply a result of passing policy disputes or the Bush administration's foreign policy style. Rather, it reflects a more profound estrangement rooted in American power and European weakness. The old Atlantic partners live today on different planets. America's preeminent global position has thrust it into a Hobbesian world of lurking threats and made it more willing to use force, whereas Europe seeks peace through law and diplomacy. Kagan is best in describing Europe's postwar project of taming the dangers and instabilities of power politics in a democratic, Kantian zone of peace. Thanks partly to the U.S. security guarantee, Europeans have devised a political order in which power is subdued and the use of force banished. Yet Europe has also made itself weak, Kagan charges, as its nations remain unable to confront the anarchical dangers of the wider world. Kagan argues that America's realpolitik view is not only a feature of Republican administrations but a deeper expression of American power (after all, Bill Clinton was willing to bomb Iraq, Afghanistan, and Sudan). The result is a growing divergence in strategic views and eroding solidarity.

Kagan's characterization of a postmodern Europe, however, is too German-centered; he ignores the fact that the United Kingdom and France retain great-power identities and a willingness to use military force. His reading of the United States is also debatable. The United States has been the preeminent global power since World War II, yet it has oftenpursued its national interest through multilateral institutions and security partnerships. Pace Kagan, Europe and the United States might disagree on the nature of threats outside the West — as they have in the past — but their own relationship remains embedded in an Atlantic security community.

Library Journal

This slim work by Kagan (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) ought to be required reading within the Bush administration as it attempts to patch together a multinational coalition to unseat Saddam Hussein. In a beefed-up version of his seminal 2002 article in Policy Review, Kagan argues that the United States and Europe no longer inhabit the same universe where power politics is concerned. Power, then, lies at the heart of the transatlantic culture war. Americans have it-making them a target and priming them to use it to address foreign threats. Europeans don't have it, and, judging by their trifling defense budgets, don't want it. Operating from a "psychology of weakness," says Kagan, Europeans place their faith in diplomacy, international law, and international institutions-both to come to grips with the Saddams of the world and to rein in what they see as the excesses of the world's remaining superpower. It behooves American officials to try to bridge this gap in perspectives. This brilliant and controversial work belongs in all library collections.-James R. Holmes, Univ. of Georgia Ctr. for International Trade & Security, Athens Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews

Former diplomat and current conservative think-tanker Kagan (A Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 1996) rehashes an argument he originally offered in 2001 in 'Policy Review'. That argument goes like this: During the Cold War, the developed world fell into two camps, one dominated by the US, the other by the Soviet Union. The former had need "to preserve and demonstrate the existence of a cohesive 'West,' " and so political divisions between, say, Germany and the US tended to be muted, at least on an official level. Though it begs for a united front of defense, today's common enemy--Islamic fundamentalism--does not demand the same coherence, which allows Europe to turn away from superpower big-stick formulas, to move "beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation." The US, conversely, is settling into its role as the world's sole superpower, able to accomplish at least some of its tasks in the "anarchic Hobbesian" world by virtue of its military might. Europe, of course, benefits from this situation, even while clucking its tongue and attempting to "control the behemoth by appealing to its conscience," which Kagan considers to be a pretty good strategy that usually works. The upshot? Interpretations may vary, but Kagan offers a genteel solution for both sides: Europe should let us do what we must to keep the peace, recognizing that "we have only just entered a long era of American hegemony." And America shouldn't try to bully Europe into accepting the unpalatable, and perhaps even listen to our putative allies from time to time. Though he's capable of concocting a memorable sound bite, Kagan develops his nuancedargument with an appreciation for why Europeans are not now lining up alongside us to give Saddam a good thrashing. Good reading for policy wonks who missed the original article, of a piece with recent arguments for the virtues of American imperialism.



Book about: Direction D'information Stratégique :les Défis et les Stratégies dans les Systèmes informatiques Gérants

Miles Gone By: A Literary Autobiography

Author: William F Buckley Jr

In celebration of his 80th birthda, Regnery presents Bill Buckley's New York Times bestseller. Included are treasured essays from the beloved founder of National Review that captures Buckley's joyful boyhood and family life.

The New York Times - Jon Meacham

Reading Miles Gone By, his latest collection of autobiographical pieces, a book of charm and grace and wit, one finds it virtually impossible to envision Buckley as his liberal critics have for so long: as a dark Goldwaterite, even a pro-crypto Nazi (Gore Vidal's phrase), who hides his extremism beneath a sophisticated Manhattan veneer. He is a partisan combatant, a key figure in the right wing's journey from the fringes of American politics to the mainstream -- from, roughly, Joe McCarthy's sweaty brow to Ronald Reagan's sunny smile. But agree or disagree with the conservative creed he helped shape and promulgate, Buckley is the happiest of warriors, an exuberant man of the right, a Roman Catholic who has apparently taken the reassurances of Scripture to heart. ''In the world ye shall have tribulation,'' Jesus says in the Gospel of St. John, ''but be of good cheer; I have overcome the world.''

Caspar Weinberger - Forbes

This has been an especially good reading summer for devotees of American Colonial and Revolutionary his-tory. First and, in my opinion, the best of the many new books covering this period is Washington's Crossing--by David Hackett Fischer (Oxford University Press, $35). Professor Fischer is a noted historian, whose Albion's Seed, published in 1989, tells the story of those descendants of the British who settled here and helped create the United States. His Paul Revere's Ride has also been widely and justly praised.

Washington's Crossing tells the complete story of General George Washington's most daring, risky and successful venture early in the war. Following a succession of victories by the British and their mercenary forces, which had resultedin the loss of New York for the Americans, the British were within sight of Philadelphia, where the new American Congress was sitting.

Washington's army had been all but destroyed, and the British were surging across New Jersey. Washington's decision to cross the Delaware River on Christmas night 1776, when it was considered virtually impossible, was a move both bold and foolhardy. A flotilla of small boats crammed with soldiers, guns and horses somehow rowed across the river through one of the East's worst winter snow and ice storms. (The crossing as painted by Emanuel Leutze in 1851 captured this event spiritually and has become a great icon of the Revolution.) By crossing the Delaware, Washington placed the remnants of his army in a position to trap the British behind Trenton and, a few days later, to give that army and the cause for which it fought its first real victory. In many ways the shots fired atTrenton were the shots "heard round the world."

Professor Fischer conveys in a remarkably realistic way what combat and the fog of war are actually like. But, more important, he tells the story of what it was like for Washington to lead a discouraged, underequipped army that was constantly being micromanaged by a divided Congress that couldn't--at least at the beginning--decide whether it wanted independence or, simply, to get the Stamp Act repealed.

For those who still wonder how the Revolutionaries ever defeated the huge British forces arrayed against them, both on land and at sea, this book makes clear that it was the military genius and leadership of George Washing-ton that turned almost certain defeat into victory. Washington's Crossing is an essential and exciting key to a more complete understanding and appreciation of what our ancestors did to win the Revolution.

A new biography, Alexander Hamilton by Ron Chernow (Penguin Press, $35), is another superb book I read this summer. Hamilton served as principal aide to General Washington from the early days of the Revolu-tion. This gave him a ringside seat at the formation of the United States and its implausible victory over the British, who had deployed one of the world's finest military machines but lost to a ragtag army of upstarts.

Chernow's splendid, thorough and brilliantly written biography gives us a new understanding of Hamilton's vi-tal role during the war and immediately after as Secretary of the Treasury of this new entity on the world's stage. I doubt that many people realize how much of our country's financial structure we owe to Alexander Hamilton. This book goes beyond the standard fare offered in most American history classes. Hamilton's towering intellect, as well as his many faults, and his long, fierce disagreements with Thomas Jefferson, John Adams and many of the other Founding Fathers are presented here with almost shocking candor.

There have been other biographies of Hamilton, but Chernow's is far and away the most comprehensive and compelling of any I have read. It is a fitting tribute to the man who set the U.S. on the path that has made our nation the economic leader of the world.

Another treat for Revolutionary history enthusiasts is The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin by Gordon S. Wood (Penguin Press, $25.95). This delightful new study focuses on the actual aristocratic and elitist views and opinions of this so-called populist leader, who was one of our best-loved, most influential and renowned spokesmen to the world.

Moving away from Revolutionary times, I next read, and thoroughly enjoyed, Miles Gone By: A Literary Autobiography byWilliam F. Buckley Jr. (Regnery Publishing, $29.95). Buckley, a major founder of today's sen-sible conservatism, has led an extraordinary life, which fully matches his extraordinary talents. His subtitle is apt, as the book contains essays on sailing, skiing, music, old friends and colleagues and all manner of other diverse subjects, which are united in that they have all been of interest to one of the best minds and writers in America today.

Publishers Weekly

The conservative writer and Firing Line host has published so many millions of words in five decades of polemics and public musing that amassing a sort of autobiography required little more than sandwiching a selection of 50 essays between a brief preface and epilogue. The extracts range in subject from his silver-spoon boyhood and boarding-school days to the lives and deaths of the many prominent people he has known. Fame came early, with Buckley's 1951 God and Man at Yale, excerpted here, which lambasted liberal bias at elite American colleges. (Far superior, though, is the sparkling memoir of his war-veteran class of 1950 at Yale.) An instant darling of conservatives who needed a spirited new voice, Buckley founded the National Review, whose writers became the core of his widening circle of influential acquaintances. While sailing, touring and media punditry take up much of the collection, the most memorable pieces are about such offbeat friends as the tragic Whittaker Chambers. Nevertheless, some portraits are merely laudatory epitaphs. Approaching 80, Buckley notes that his sporting days are about over, but "[s]o to speak, I can still ski on a keyboard." Like skiing, his keyboard has its ups and downs. B&w photos. Agent, Lois Wallace. (July) Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.



Table of Contents:
At home
Life at Great Elm3
Life at Great Elm II11
St. John's, Beaumont17
The "distinguished" Mr. Buckley36
Wine in the blood39
Wine : one man's happy experiences42
William Frank Buckley, 1881-195848
Aloise Steiner Buckley, 1895-198551
Yale
God and man at Yale57
A toast to the class of 195095
Reflections on life after Yale104
Wartime
Army life115
Sailing (and skiing, and one fly-by)
We must sail across the ocean!123
Christmastime in the Caribbean145
Gulf stream musings164
Meet me at K club174
A quickie, Bahamas to Charleston179
Pleasure on skis191
Alta, my alta197
Six freshmen and an Ercoupe206
The angel of Craig's point217
A sail across the Pacific228
Aweigh240
People
Ten friends255
Five colleagues282
And a sixth292
Remembering
Whittaker Chambers, 1901-1961299
Murray Kempton, 1917-1997318
Henry Regnery, 1912-1996330
National Review, b. 1955338
Blackford Oakes, b. 1975343
William Shawn, 1907-1992354
Firing line, 1966-1999362
Language
The dictionary, ready at hand391
The conflict over the unusual word395
On writing speedily400
Getting about
1001 days on the Orient Express409
Definitive vacations421
A pilgrimage to Lourdes427
The stupefaction of the New England coastline443
A performance with the symphony, coming up446
The life of the public speaker455
Going down to the Titanic469
Aboard the Sea Cloud482
Politics
My own secret right-wing conspiracy501
Running for mayor of New York City518
Social life
Querencia : on coping with social tedium545
The threatened privacy of private clubs553
Why don't we complain?558
Epilogue : thoughts on a final passage569

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Eichmann in Jerusalem or Howard Zinn on Democratic Education

Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil

Author: Hannah Arendt

Hannah Arendt's authoritative report on the trial of Nazi leader Adolf Eichmann includes further factual material that came to light after the trial, as well as Arendt's postscript directly addressing the controversy that arose over her account.

Michael A. Musmanno

There will be those who wonder how Miss Arendt, after attending the Eichman trial and studying the record and pertinent material, could announce, as she solemnly does in this book, that Eichman was not really a Nazi at heart, that he did really not know Hilter's program when he joined the party, that the Gestapo were helpful to the Jews in Palestinian immigration, that Himmler (Himmler!) had a sense of pity, that the Jewish gas-killing program grew out of Hitler's euthanasia program and that, all in all, Eichmann was really a modest man.-- Books of the Century; New York Times



Read also Nutraceutical Proteins and Peptides in Health and Disease or Stalking Harassment and Murder in the Workplace

Howard Zinn on Democratic Education (Series in Critical Narrative)

Author: Howard Zinn

Perhaps no other historian has had a more profound and revolutionary impact on American education than Howard Zinn. This is the first book devoted to his views on education and its role in a democratic society.

Howard Zinn on Democratic Education describes what is missing from school textbooks and in classrooms - and how we move beyond these deficiencies to improve student education. Critical skills of citizenship are insufficiently developed in schools, according to Zinn. Textbooks and curricula must be changed to transcend the recitation of received wisdom too common today in our schools. In these respects, recent Bush Administration and educational policies of most previous presidents have been on the wrong track in meeting educational needs.

This book seeks to redefine national goals at a time when public debates over education have never been more polarized — nor higher in public visibility and contentious debate.



Table of Contents:
1Apparatus of lies USA : introduction1
2Schools and the manufacture of mass deception : a dialogue27
3A people's history of the United States67
4How free is higher education?87
5Columbus and western civilization97
6Grey matters interviews Howard Zinn123
7Being left : growing up class-conscious137
8What Bush's war on terror is all about157
9The diverted left163
10A campaign without class167
11Federal bureau of intimidation175
12Why students should study history : an interview187