Monday, February 9, 2009

The Murder of Nikolai Vavilov or The Anatomy of Fascism

The Murder of Nikolai Vavilov: The Story of Stalin's Persecution of One of the Great Scientists of the Twentieth Century

Author: Peter Pringl

In The Murder of Nikolai Vavilov, acclaimed journalist and author Peter Pringle recreates the extraordinary life and tragic end of one of the great scientists of the twentieth century.

In a drama of love, revolution, and war that rivals Pasternak's Dr. Zhivago, Pringle tells the story of a young Russian scientist, Nikolai Vavilov, who had a dream of ending hunger and famine in the world. Vavilov's plan would use the emerging science of genetics to breed super plants that could grow anywhere, in any climate, in sandy deserts and freezing tundra, in drought and flood. He would launch botanical expeditions to find these vanishing genes, overlooked by early farmers ignorant of Mendel's laws of heredity. He called it a "mission for all humanity."

To the leaders of the young Soviet state, Vavilov's dream fitted perfectly into their larger scheme for a socialist utopia. Lenin supported the adventurous Vavilov, a handsome and seductive young professor, as he became an Indiana Jones, hunting lost botanical treasures on five continents. In a former tsarist palace in what is now St. Petersburg, Vavilov built the world's first seed bank, a quarter of a million specimens, a magnificent living museum of plant diversity that was the envy of scientists everywhere and remains so today.

But when Lenin died in 1924 and Stalin took over, Vavilov's dream turned into a nightmare. This son of science was from a bourgeois background, the class of society most despised and distrusted by the Bolsheviks. The new cadres of comrade scientists taunted and insulted him, and Stalin's dreaded secret police built up false charges of sabotage and espionage.

Stalin's collectivization of farmlandcaused chaos in Soviet food production, and millions died in widespread famine. Vavilov's master plan for improving Soviet crops was designed to work over decades, not a few years, and he could not meet Stalin's impossible demands for immediate results.

In Stalin's Terror of the 1930s, Russian geneticists were systematically repressed in favor of the peasant horticulturalist Trofim Lysenko, with his fraudulent claims and speculative theories. Vavilov was the most famous victim of this purge, which set back Russian biology by a generation and caused the country untold harm. He was sentenced to death, but unlike Galileo, he refused to recant his beliefs and, in the most cruel twist, this humanitarian pioneer scientist was starved to death in the gulag.

Pringle uses newly opened Soviet archives, including Vavilov's secret police file, official correspondence, vivid expedition reports, previously unpublished family letters and diaries, and the reminiscences of eyewitnesses to bring us this intensely human story of a brilliant life cut short by anti-science demagogues, ideology, censorship, and political expedience.

Publishers Weekly

Pringle (Food, Inc.), former Moscow bureau chief for the Independent, offers a well-researched and well-written study of the murder of an outstanding Soviet geneticist and the ideological perversion of science. Pringle details the life and career of Nikolai Vavilov (1887-1943) through his rise in the early Soviet scientific establishment and awarding of the Lenin Prize. Vavilov was a scientist's scientist, traveling the world to collect seeds and plants unavailable in Russia in order to transform "Soviet and even world agriculture, and ensure the survival of humanity through an adequate food supply." He was one of the U.S.S.R.'s top scientists when Soviet authorities fell in love with the now-discredited notions of a rival scientist, Trofim Lysenko, who believed in the inheritance of acquired characteristics. Using recently opened archives, Pringle is able to detail Vavilov's arrest on trumped-up charges of sabotage and spying, his torture and death in prison. Pringle has added another page to the lengthy tale of the deadly workings of the Soviet bureaucracy-and the toll of Stalin's terror on the world by turning science into propaganda. (May)

Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Edward Cone - Library Journal

It seems incredible that millions of desperate or idealistic souls who believed in the revolution left the United States, fleeing the Depression, and flocked to the new Soviet state in hopes of starting life over. The fate of those who once had such faith in the Soviet experiment is tragically chronicled in these two works. Pringle (Insight on the Middle East War) presents his work from the viewpoint of an insider, foremost Soviet biologist Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov, who ran afoul of the regime when Stalin championed Trofim Lysenko, whose views were eventually discredited. Vavilov amassed one of the largest seed collections in the world and hoped to prevent the famines that had plagued the USSR and other countries. As the terror of the 1930s mounted, Vavilov apparently continued to believe in the revolution until it was too late. Left to languish in the Gulag, this "eminent plant hunter who had a plan to feed the world died of starvation," concludes Pringle. Documentary filmmaker and television journalist Tzouliadis traces the lives of immigrants to the USSR and their fate in the land of the revolution. Most eventually perished once the Stalinist state declared them to be enemies. This is a collection of heartbreaking stories about people who were neglected or ignored by their own government. The author presents numerous instances in which official intervention might have saved thousands of lives, yet officials, from President Roosevelt on down, found it inconvenient or untimely to risk disrupting U.S.-Soviet relations by peering too closely into the cases of U.S. citizens stuck in the USSR. The Forsaken is actually a grim testament of Stalin's crimes against his ownpeople as well as the immigrants. With copious notes, it is highly recommended for public and academic libraries. Vavilov is written in a popular style sometimes lacking nuance on a subject that should still be of interest to academics as well as informed readers. (Photos not seen for Vavilov.)

Kirkus Reviews

A tragic story of the totalitarian suppression of knowledge-one that is all too familiar to history, even in our own time. Pringle (Day of the Dandelion, 2007, etc.), former Moscow bureau chief for The Independent, recounts that in that city he lived on a street named for Lenin's otherwise little-known brother. Down the way, on a grid named as a kind of "Who's Who of the old USSR and its socialist allies, even Ho Chi Minh," was Vavilov Street, named after the great physicist Sergei Vavilov, whose admitted brilliance was nothing compared to that of his brother Nikolai. A kind of Indiana Jones of the plant world, Nikolai was always tearing off in search of rare einkorn or interesting hybrids. Pringle records a meeting of Vavilov and American botanist Luther Burbank, with the former concluding that "it was difficult to learn anything from Burbank-'the artist's intuition overwhelmed his research.' " When the Bolsheviks came to power, Lenin, though despising the intelligentsia, recognized their at least temporary usefulness as technocrats in the new state, and Vavilov was allowed to continue his research in plant genetics and agronomy. Stalin was less kindly disposed toward the knowledge-working class, and he gave pride of place in the new Soviet science to the quack Trofim Lysenko, who dismissed Mendelian genetics in favor of a particularly ungainly kind of Lamarckism. Vavilov generously insisted that his scientific colleagues hear Lysenko out, even though "there was no proof of the inheritance of acquired characteristics," as Lysenko insisted. Lysenko won out with his theories of vernalization; the result was a killing famine, one of several the Soviet Union endured. For his part,increasingly marginalized in a politicized scientific community, Vavilov wound up in the Gulag. The war on science is an old story. Pringle lends it specific weight with this chilling story of a man who, had he survived, might have saved millions of lives. Agent: Michael Carlisle/InkWell Management



Table of Contents:

Prologue: Ukraine, August 6, 1940 9

1 Moscow, December 1905 13

2 The Petrovka and Katya 22

3 In Darwin's Library 35

4 Moscow, Summer 1916 43

5 On the Roof of the World, 1916 51

6 Revolution and Civil War 60

7 The Gardener of Kozlov 73

8 Lenochka 80

9 Petrograd: City of Ravens 88

10 Ingots of Platinum 96

11 Afghanistan, 1924 108

12 Abyssinia, 1926 119

13 The Barefoot Scientist 130

14 The Great Break 143

15 State Security File 006854 154

16 The Passionate Patriot 160

17 A Modest Compromise 168

18 The Red Professor 175

19 The Last Expedition 180

20 Thunder and Dragons 190

21 The Lysenko Offensive 198

22 The showdown 206

23 The Terror 215

24 Into the Pyre 223

25 Comrade Philosophers 232

26 The Arrest 242

27 The Interrogation 253

28 Return to Saratov 268

29 "Oleg, Where Are You?" 280

Epilogue: Vavilov's Ghost 290

Main Events in the Life of Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov 307

Sources and Archives 313

Notes 317

Acknowledgments 347

Index 351

Book review: Green Cuisine or Globalization Women and Health in the 21st Century

The Anatomy of Fascism

Author: Robert O Paxton

What is fascism? Many authors have proposed definitions, but most fail to move beyond the abstract. The esteemed historian Robert O. Paxton answers this question for the first time by focusing on the concrete: what the fascists did, rather than what they said. From the first violent uniformed bands beating up “enemies of the state,” through Mussolini’s rise to power, to Germany’s fascist radicalization in World War II, Paxton shows clearly why fascists came to power in some countries and not others, and explores whether fascism could exist outside the early-twentieth-century European setting in which it emerged.
The Anatomy of Fascism will have a lasting impact on our understanding of modern European history, just as Paxton’s classic Vichy France redefined our vision of World War II. Based on a lifetime of research, this compelling and important book transforms our knowledge of fascism–“the major political innovation of the twentieth century, and the source of much of its pain.”

The Washington Post

… Paxton has made a helpful contribution, thoughtfully mapping out the descent of a civilized people -- first the Italians, then the Germans -- into a primal state (and state of being) ruled by mythology, symbol and emotion. While avoiding much discussion of the intellectual and cultural roots of fascism, he traces the political and structural development of a movement that evolved into a party and then a state and, finally, a war against humanity. — Peter Savodnik

The New York Times - Samantha Power

The Anatomy of Fascism is the work of a distinguished scholar who has sifted through the primary sources, the tomes and the trends in an effort to synthesize and even settle prior debates. His main emphasis is on Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany, but in order to demonstrate why certain fascist movements were able to seize power while most remained marginal, he contrasts these ''successes'' with fascist sputterings in Britain, France, Hungary, Portugal, Spain and elsewhere … the lasting contribution of this splendid book is to remind us that fascism, if it returns, will do so not simply because of a rousing leader, but because of his timid accomplices.

Publishers Weekly

Paxton, the author of seminal works on Vichy France, now sums up a lifelong reflection on fascism's myriad forms. Paxton writes in his introduction that fascism was "the most self-consciously visual of all political forms," yet many of those indelible images (Mussolini haranguing a crowd from a balcony; the perfect choreography of totalitarianism in Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will) can "induce facile errors" about the omnipotent leader or the supposed unanimity of the crowd. Rather than begin with a definition of fascism, Paxton prefers to give concrete examples of it in action in various countries, from Italy and Germany to France, Holland and Eastern Europe; in particular, he examines its "mobilizing passions," such as a sense of overwhelming crisis and dread of a native group's decline. This study has several virtues (and few defects): the writing is free of some of the theoretical jargon that threatens our understanding of a defining political movement of the 20th century. This is a study of both the intellectual origins of fascism and how it played out in the streets of Berlin, Rome, Paris and other locales. In addition, Paxton examines such important topics as images of fascism and what we might call "the future of fascism" (in a quick aside on a current controversy, Paxton notes that Islamic fundamentalism is not fascist). Although Paxton doesn't address present or future forms of fascism, his list of its "mobilizing passions" will sound to some readers frighteningly similar to aspects of contemporary America. This is sure to take its place among classics in the field by Stanley Payne and Roger Griffith. (Mar. 26) Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.

Foreign Affairs

The term "fascism" originated with Mussolini in 1919 and has since often been stretched to apply to almost any political group to the right of the person using it. Paxton, a historian, sets out to rescue the term from such sloppy usage, even as he acknowledges that a narrow definition is impossible. In his quest for understanding, Paxton surveys how a broad array of fascist movements has sought out followers, formed alliances, and seized and exercised power. The comparisons show great variety over time and place but also reveal characteristics that distinguish fascism from other kinds of authoritarian rule. Fascists, he concludes, were identifiable most of all by a style of political behavior that emphasized historical grievances, worshiped the cult of leadership, relied on a mass-based movement of national militants, repressed democratic liberties, and used violence as a political tool. Paxton's first book, "Vichy France," has become the standard work in the field despite its once-controversial thesis (that the Vichy regime was not merely imposed by Nazis but had domestic roots); "The Anatomy of Fascism," based on decades of research and teaching, is likely to prove just as authoritative. The in-depth bibliographical essay alone will guide scholars and graduate students for years to come.

Library Journal

Paxton (Mellon Professor Emeritus of the Social Sciences, Columbia Univ.; Vichy France) dissects a historical phenomenon that unleashed the deadliest epoch in world history. It is well known that fascism consumed the passions of Germany and Italy, but Paxton reminds readers that the fascist impulse found expression throughout the globe and still poses a threat to international stability. His goal is to find generic characteristics that shape the dynamics of fascism-not the product of a well-defined ideology, Paxton emphasizes, but rather a visceral response to national crises that defy conventional solutions. Paxton stresses that all fascist movements sanctify violence and view life as a Darwinian struggle; beleaguered constituencies turn toward a leader who revitalizes nationalistic sentiments by demonizing perceived internal and external enemies. The culmination of a lifetime's study, this work is based on a thorough analysis of just about every secondary work on fascism and includes a superb bibliographic essay that will guide students and historians for many years to come. While there are countless studies on fascism, readers will be hard pressed to find anything more in-depth from a scholar with Paxton's credentials. Recommended for all academic libraries and for public libraries with strong political science collections.-Jim Doyle, Marconi P.L., GA Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews

An immensely learned consideration of "the major political innovation of the twentieth century, and the source of much of its pain."The folks at MoveOn.org notwithstanding, George Bush is no Hitler, John Ashcroft likely no fascist. The looseness of terms and equations disguises the complexity of the deadly far-right ideology, which Paxton (Emeritus, Social Sciences/Columbia Univ.; Europe in the Twentieth Century, not reviewed, etc.) defines, quite comprehensively, as "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion." A mouthful, but Paxton ably demonstrates why precision is wanted here, having spent the preceding chapters analyzing the many brands of fascism on the world stage. The best known, of course, is the first: Mussolini's pompous, theatrical regime, which came to power a full decade before Hitler's; as Paxton writes, Mussolini coined the term fascismo and set the tone for many a dictatorship to come. These allied but subtly different fascisms shared a radicalism that belied their socialist origins, which has caused some historians to regard fascism as anticapitalist at heart. Not so, Paxton argues: Fascism was at once a revolt against the left and against liberal individualism and a slap in the face of old-school, elitist conservatism, whose exponents "wanted obedience anddeference, not dangerous popular mobilization" of the sort that working-class fascism drew on. But, all the same, it was a very willing crony of big business, which was quite happy with the anti-leftist "new man" that once threatened to rule the world. A solid contribution to political literature, and of much interest to students of 20th-century history. Agency: Wylie Agency



Sunday, February 8, 2009

Guerillas or The Counter Terrorism Puzzle

Guerillas: War and Peace in Central America

Author: Dirk Krujit

Three parallel wars were fought in the latter half of the twentieth century in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua. This fascinating study of the "guerrilla generation" is based on in-depth interviews with both guerrilla comandantes and political and military leaders of the time. Dirk Kruijt analyzes the dreams and achievements, the successes and failures, the utopias and dystopias of an entire Central American generation and its leaders. Guerrillas ranges widely, from the guerrilla movement's origins in poverty, oppression and exclusion; its tactics in warfare; the ill-fated experiment with Sandinista government in Nicaragua; and the subsequent "normalization" of guerrilla movements within democratic societies.   



Table of Contents:

List of Abbreviations and Spanish Terms
* List of Tables
* Acknowledgements
* Foreword--Edelberto Torres-Rivas
* Introduction: Guerrillas and Comandantes
* Dictators and Civil Wars
* Genesis of a Guerrilla Generation
* Inside the Guerrilla
* Utopia and Dystopia, Nicaragua (1979 - 1990)
* Negotiations, Peace and Post - War Integration
* Legacies and Ambivalences
* Appendix I:  Politico - Military Organizations
* Appendix II: Demographic Data
* Appendix III: List of Interviews
* Notes
* Bibliography
* Index

List of Abbreviations and Spanish Terms
* List of Tables
* Acknowledgements
* Foreword--Edelberto Torres-Rivas
* Introduction: Guerrillas and Comandantes
* Dictators and Civil Wars
* Genesis of a Guerrilla Generation
* Inside the Guerrilla
* Utopia and Dystopia, Nicaragua (1979 - 1990)
* Negotiations, Peace and Post - War Integration
* Legacies and Ambivalences
* Appendix I:  Politico - Military Organizations
* Appendix II: Demographic Data
* Appendix III: List of Interviews
* Notes
* Bibliography
* Index

New interesting textbook: Blood and Marrow Transplantation or Understanding Dietary Supplements

The Counter-Terrorism Puzzle: A Guide for Decision Makers

Author: Boaz Ganor

The escalation of global terrorism has left populations across the world and decision makers unprepared. This book is the first attempt to create a manual of counter-terrorism measures on all relevant operational levels. The author's main purpose is to give decision makers the tools to make rational and effective decisions in both preventing and countering terrorism.

The need to contend with terrorism can be found in almost every sphere of life: Security, prevention and suppression of terrorism, legal and ethical dilemmas regarding democratic issues, such as the individual's human rights, intelligence interrogations, the right of the public to know, as well as coping with social, psychological, and media-related issues. The book deals with all relevant aspects of counter-terrorism and analyzes decision makers' main dilemmas. It is based on accumulated experience in the field all over the world, particularly in the State of Israel. The method of presentation is to portray the main dilemmas in each sphere of counter-terrorism-defining the threat and appropriate countermeasures, evaluating intelligence, offensive and defensive action, legal and judicial issues, media coverage, international cooperation-and to analyze them in terms of Israel's accumulated experience, comparing them, in many cases, to the experience of other countries. The conceptual models used, and the indexed charts appearing at the end of the discussion of each respective dilemma, enable decision makers to think rationally without outside considerations, and are based solely on cost/benefit considerations, in order to resolve the dilemma most effectively.

This is an essential book in its field. Its professional importance is unrivaled in counter-terrorism, both theoretically and in the scope of its research. It will be of interest to security professionals, students of counter-terrorism methods and those dealing with the planning and application of foreign policy, and journalists.



Saturday, February 7, 2009

Lords of the Land or Lobbying for Social Change

Lords of the Land: The War Over Israel's Settlements in the Occupied Territories, 1967-2007

Author: Idith Zertal

Lords of the Land tells the tragic story of Jewish settlement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In the aftermath of the 1967 war and Israel's devastating victory over its Arab neighbors, catastrophe struck both the soul and psyche of the state of Israel. Based on years of research, and written by one of Israel's leading historians and journalists, this involving narrative focuses on the settlers themselves — often fueled by messianic zeal but also inspired by the original Zionist settlers — and shows the role the state of Israel has played in nurturing them through massive economic aid and legal sanctions. The occupation, the authors argue, has transformed the very foundations of Israel's society, economy, army, history, language, moral profile, and international standing. "The vast majority of the 6.5 million Israelis who live in their country do not know any other reality," the authors write. "The vast majority of the 3.5 million Palestinians who live in the regions of their occupied land do not know any other reality. The prolonged military occupation and the Jewish settlements that are perpetuating it have toppled Israeli governments and have brought Israel's democracy and its political culture to the brink of an abyss."

The New York Times - Adam LeBor

Lords of the Land is the first complete history of the settlement project. It provides a detailed narrative of injustice, and is profoundly depressing for anyone still hoping for a fair resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or even hoping that Jews and Arabs will be seen as equal in the eyes of Israeli law…This may be an angry, embittered book, but the two authors are well-informed experts. Zertal is a noted Israeli historian, who now teaches at the University of Basel, and Eldar is an influential columnist for the left-wing daily, Ha'aretz. They are especially good on Gush Emunim, the Bloc of the Faithful, the religious Zionists driving the settlement project and the compromises with them made by a weak secular Israeli establishment.

The Economist

In this thorough and eye-opening book, Idith Zertal, a historian, and Akiva Eldar, a journalist, explain how a few tens of thousands of people bent the state to their purpose. Settlements were not on the official agenda after Israel's surprise capture of the Palestinian territories in 1967. But pressure from ardent young religious Zionists found a secular echo among military men, who came to see security benefits to having Israelis live in the West Bank.



See also: The Biopsychosocial Approach or The Fit Traveler

Lobbying for Social Change

Author: Willard C Richan

Written by a leader in the field of American social policy, this new edition of Lobbying for Social Change provides step-by-step suggestions and case examples for individuals who wish to get involved with and have an impact on social policy. Using a nuts-and-bolts approach, Lobbying for Social Change is ideal for those with no previous experience in advocating for public policy. This new edition avoids professional and academic jargon and prepares readers to lobby effectively, face-to-face with public officials with its new chapters on the changing context of political action and how to use the new technology of the information age to aid lobbying efforts.

Booknews

Provides step-by-step suggestions and case examples for individuals who want to have an impact on social policy, especially those with no previous experience. Discusses setting an action agenda, gathering evidence, lobbying, working with a live audience, testifying in hearings, and using the mass media. This second edition contains a new section reflecting changes in the political scene since 1991, looking at middle- and working-class Americans and changes in technology. Paper edition (unseen), $19.95. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)



Table of Contents:
Preface to the Second Edition
Acknowledgments
Introduction1
Ch. 1The Politics of Frustration23
Ch. 2Lobbying in the Information Age47
Ch. 3Assessing Your Strengths and Limitations69
Ch. 4Setting the Action Agenda87
Ch. 5Understanding Policymakers105
Ch. 6Gathering Evidence131
Ch. 7Preparing the Case155
Ch. 8Lobbying One-on-One185
Ch. 9Working with a Live Audience221
Ch. 10Testifying in a Hearing249
Ch. 11Using the Mass Media279
Appendix: The Policymaking Machinery321
Bibliography339
Index349

Thursday, February 5, 2009

Dominion of Memories or You Can Lead a Politician to Water But You Cant Make Him Think

Dominion of Memories: Jefferson, Madison, and the Decline of Virginia

Author: Susan Dunn

During the Revolutionary Period, and in the early days of the Union, Virginia was the nation's most promising state. It produced a galaxy of America's most important founders and statesmen: Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Marshall, and many others. And yet, by the middle of the nineteenth century, Virginia had become little more than a byword for poverty, slavery, and economic stagnation. The decline was dramatic and startling. What happened?

In Dominion of Memories, Susan Dunn chronicles the precipitous decline of America's most promising state. A gloriously written tale of the Founding Fathers and their beloved state, Dominion of Memories offers in microcosm the story of how a nation founded with great hope in the Age of Revolution found itself marching inexorably towards civil war half a century later.

The New York Times - Mick Sussman

Slavery's role in the decline of the South is an old story, but Dunn, a professor of humanities at Williams College, finds fresh insights by making a case study of Virginia. She emphasizes the significance of lesser-known figures like Thomas Roderick Dew, who in 1832 published an essay that laid the intellectual groundwork for an uncompromisingly pro-slavery ideology, and Nathaniel Beverley Tucker, who anticipated secession with an 1836 novel envisioning a Southern rebellion. Dunn's chief aim, though, is to show the complicity of Jefferson and Madison in Virginia's stagnation.

Publishers Weekly

Whatever happened to the great Commonwealth of Virginia? Dunn (Jefferson's Second Revolution: The Election Crisis of 1800) investigates how Virginia fell from being the most advanced and vibrant of the 18th-century American states to being among the new country's most stultified and parochial. Dunn points out that four of the first five American presidents were Virginians, and it was often supposed in the early Republic that, in the words of one politician, the Old Dominion had hatched "a systematic design of perpetually governing the country." By the 1820s, however, the commonwealth's once thriving economy had shuddered to a halt, its aristocratic planters were defaulting on their considerable debts, many lived in poverty and visitors from the industrializing, bustling Northeast noticed that everything was dirty and dilapidated—even Monticello and Mount Vernon. Dunn attributes Virginia's downfall to a combination of its ruling elite adhering to a "gentlemanly" way of life, its obsession with states' rights and the retention of slavery. These factors, Dunn says, fostered an atmosphere of indolence and tedious provincialism that condemned the Old Dominion to the status of a has-been champion musing nostalgically on the pleasures of the past. By focusing intently on the stresses within a single state, Dunn's is an admirable guide to those perplexed by the eventual sundering of the entire Union. (June)

Copyright 2007 Reed Business Information

KLIATT

Williams College history professor Dunn presents the reader with an absorbing chronicle of Virginia from Colonial to pre-Civil War times. Seen mainly through the public and private writings of storied leaders Jefferson and Madison, Virginia struggles to maintain its position of prominence in a young nation that quickly outstrips it economically and socially. The value of this smoothly written and exhaustively researched volume is that it offers a view of Virginia and its fabled leaders that most history readers may well have missed. Jefferson and Madison think, rethink and even seem to contradict themselves as they meditate on the growth of their young nation while the nation moves beyond them and, finally, begins to set itself against Virginia, the South, and the slave culture. Highly recommended for all teachers and advanced students of American history and culture. Reviewer: Patricia Moore

Kirkus Reviews

Virginia went from cradle of presidents to political backwater in a couple of generations-mostly for reasons of its own making, argues Dunn (Humanities/Williams College; George Washington, 2004, etc.). Jefferson's death in 1826 coincided with the "sunset of the Virginia dynasty," writes Dunn. Hitherto, Virginia had provided four of the first five presidents and much of the early judiciary; afterward, Virginia would supply only one president, John Tyler, and two justices, Lewis Powell and Peter Daniel. The reversal of fortunes owes to many factors, by Dunn's account. One was the state's "population of slumbering citizens, demoralized and passive," bullied by property requirements and custom to leave politics to the landed aristocracy; another was illiteracy, four times higher than in states to the north, since "wealthy Virginians, historically averse to taxation, refused to support public schools." Jefferson's granddaughter, Ellen Coolidge, rightly remarked that for the state to prosper it required good soil and intelligent farmers, good citizens willing to support roads and schools and other amenities, a diversified economy, bustling cities and widely shared ideals of freedom and equality. Yet hidebound social traditions met political and economic reaction to produce resistance to change, such as breaking away from a tobacco economy, abandoning slavery and investing in industrial expansion. In the early republic, Virginia had no cities of note, no means to support the textile industry that it could have developed; had the state not cut off funding for geological surveys, Virginia explorers might have discovered its stores of "coal, gold, iron, copper, lead, and even salt" and yieldedwealth that way. (One of the state surveyors left in disgust and, as Dunn notes, founded MIT.) Irrelevant to the nation's progress, Virginians came to embrace a wounded sense of state's rights, still led by a gentry that subscribed to the view that "good government was simply government of, by, and for themselves and their interests." And so it would long remain. A lucid, provocative work of historical inquiry, though unlikely to win any praise among the First Families of Virginia.



Interesting textbook: Game Programming Gem 5 or Comet and Reverse Ajax

You Can Lead a Politician to Water, but You Can't Make Him Think: Ten Commandments for Texas Politics

Author: Kinky Friedman

And Kinky Said Unto the People: Why the Hell Not?

So the good people of Texas weren't able to get the Kinkster into the Governor's Mansion in 2006. It was a solid race, and he fought the good fight. Getting on the ballot as an independent -- a feat that had not been achieved in over a century -- was a victory in itself. And with ideas like "slots for tots" (legalized gambling to pay for education), the five Mexican generals plan (bribes to enforce border protection), and a firm stand against the "wussification" of the state, he would have done a helluva job.

If that 2006 election was any indication -- and it was -- the political landscape in both Texas and the country at large needs a significant overhaul. The hucksters, the wealthy, and the twofaced rule; there is no room for Truth, and the little guys are quickly forgotten in all the muck. But Kinky, (briefly) down yet certainly not out, is still looking out for his fellow Americans, and he has much wisdom to impart.

In this hilarious, thought-provoking manifesto, Kinky lays forth his ten commandments for improving the state of Texas and politics everywhere, and for restoring order, logic, decency, and above all a sense of humor back to this country. It's classic Kinky in a brand new way. And he might just have a point.

The New York Times - Bill Scheft

A chronicle of a race in which one doesn't even wind up with a podium finish cannot help being self-reverential …but the narcissistic journey is worth it. Kinky loves Texas more than himself. His heart is in the right place, and so is his outrage…In a state that offers festival seating on death row, there is only one capital offense for the Favorite Son Humor Writer: first-degree unfunniness. Fear not. Kinky never stops working the room. New, used and pre-owned jokes cohabit with Southwestern Zen and spur-jangling wordplay. He gives credit where he can, or when it makes him look good. Sure, you'd like to know who originally uttered the line "I'm 62 years old. That's too young for Medicare and too old for women to care," but this is hardly Joe Biden ripping off Neil Kinnock. If you want to beat him up for being a sloppy archivist of other people's witticisms, fine. At worst, Kinky is the one guy who e-mails you gags that are actually good.

Publishers Weekly

When satirist/novelist/musician Friedman declared his independent candidacy for Texas governor, nobody expected him to win-and he didn't. But he did get nearly 550,000 votes, or 12% of the total cast. He also collected rich material for his sendup of politics in Texas and other jurisdictions. Friedman's always irreverent, sometimes profane and occasionally sophomoric commentary won't appeal to everybody, but even those who refuse to laugh out loud can find verities worth repeating. His chapter about improving schooling for all children, for example, includes the observation that "No good teacher wants to teach to the test; no great teacher ever will." The emphasis on classroom assessment, Friedman says, risks creating "a whole generation of supposedly college-bound kids who aren't quite sure if the Civil War took place here or in Europe. It wasn't on the test." Given Texans' independent streak, Friedman correctly calculated his messages would get a hearing on the campaign trail. After all, he noted, professional wrestler Jesse Ventura won the governorship of Minnesota. Too bad he lasted only one term, Friedman quips: Ventura "never figured out that wrestling is real and politics is fixed." (Oct.)

Copyright 2007 Reed Business Information



Wednesday, February 4, 2009

The Geography of Urban Transportation or Londonistan

The Geography of Urban Transportation

Author: Susan Hanson

Here is a timely revision of the 1986 collection that defines the intersection of urban and transportation geography. Its integrative approach links spatial, technical, demographic, and political aspects of urban transportationm-all themes of increasing importance as American society addresses 1990s issues of congestion management.

Booknews

Three substantial introductory chapters are followed by seven chapters outlining various analytical approaches to transportation problems, balancing historical material with descriptions and analyses of travel at the aggregate and disaggregate levels, methodological presentations, and policy descriptions. First published in 1986. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)



Table of Contents:
1The context of urban travel : concepts and recent trends3
2City interactions : the dynamics of passenger and freight flows30
3Transportation and urban form : stages in the spatial evolution of the American metropolis59
4Impact of information technologies86
5The urban transportation planning process115
6Reflections on the planning process141
7GIS in urban-regional transportation planning163
8Public transportation199
9Land use impacts of transportation investments : highway and transit237
10Transportation and energy274
11The geography of urban transportation finance294
12Social and environmental justice issues in urban transportation332
13Transportation and the environment356
14Managing the auto382

Interesting textbook: After Victory or Migration Theory

Londonistan

Author: Melanie Phillips

The suicide bombings carried out in London in 2005 by British Muslims revealed an enormous fifth column of Islamist terrorists and their sympathizers. Under the noses of British intelligence, London has become the European hub for the promotion, recruitment and financing of Islamic terror and extremism - so much so that it has been mockingly dubbed Londonistan. In this ground-breaking book Melanie Phillips pieces together the story of how Londonistan developed as a result of the collapse of traditional English identity and accommodation of a particularly virulent form of multiculturalism. Londonistan has become a country within the country and not only threatens Britain but its special relationship with the U.S. as well.